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However, there was another tossing matter which might usefully be discussed by the assemb- lage: the problem of the Ustajlu control of the royal person. The Suliln brought forward his "legitimate" rights to the post of jskfl as inherited from the days of Shah Isma'il. They began pursuing separate policies g: which had little to do with their original purpose of defending tae Safavid-Qizilbash cause.

In fact, without a Safavid shah, ; tse uymao could no longer properly be called Qizilbash. They ;; bee erne instead contending tribes pursuing individual interests eS on-osed to such "national" i. Safavid-Qizilbash interests s s the defence against the Uzbeks in Jihurasan. This becomes guite clear from the events which now followed the "march on Tfibriz" of the Rumlu and allied uymaq. Dlv Sultan took over? When this is combined with the death of Durmish Khan at about this time in Harat and the anarchy that followed there, it can be seen that the internal situation in Iran was a lure indeed for the Uzbeks.

Despite the Rumlu-Takkalu victory, Burun Sultan was killed in the battle.

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The Ustajlu were again defeated and forced to seek refuge in Gllan on the Caspian shores. It is of interest to note the ccsaplete lack cf personal sower of the young Shah during these events. At the same time that the victors were building a triumphal pyramid of the Ustajlu heads severed as war-trophies, the news arrived in Qazvin of the Second Invasion of Khurasan and of the Initial Czbek victories.

The inter-uymao factional strife had nullified any attempt to protect Khurasan, and 'Ubayd Khan was prepared to take full advantage 0 f the temporary collapse of the Saf avid-qizilbash institutions. The immediate uzbek threat from both Khwarizm and Havara'al-nahr end the involvement of key Khurasan governors in the Ustajlu Wars have also been alluded to, A new source of trouble was now to rock Khurasan: the most untimely death of Durmish Khan, the 1. For the Shamlu shuluq "riot" and the lynching of the vazir: The major sources give a very detailed account, generally simi- lar in content, which is probably derived from JANG, the contemporary source from Harat.

AFZAL adds a few details e. It gives three chronograms, blames the e v ent on a crime jarlmeh committed by the Khwajeh, and names other victims of the shuluo. Durmish Khan is said to have taken to heavy drinking after the uzbek retirement from their siege of Herat in the First In- vasion, and to have died soon after. Hazar aayf! Oh my! Oh me! Durmish Khan is given very proper obituary notices in the sources, and anecdotes are cited attesting to his justice and generosity.

His death may be symbolically interpreted as the massing of the Shah Isma'il era of comparative stability in Khurasan. The Khwajeh then wrote a report J 0;the Court simultaneously announcing the death of Durmish Khan I 1 th e fait accompli appointment literally: jalus or "accession" Q? Husayn Khan. I e nd the Rumlu, Darvlsh Bek. The failure of the Khwajeh to hold j t he Qizilbash line at Harat soon put the local Shamlu in complete 3-a irresponsible control. It is quite apparent that the Khwajeh had been well aware Wot the danger, for in his report to the Court upon the death of Isurraish Khan he also noted the misconduct of the local ghazls l cizilbash.

In typical fashion the new fpjVernor had begun his administration by distributing financial : rewards based on written notes to specific areas, and by out- right grstuities. This was the ' immediate background of the grants which now followed. The Shamlu forced the issue and de- eded a release, in writing, "from the Qizilbash service.

This is preferable since dist- ent Isfarain had its own local governor and was only indirectly? Needless to say, such pious sentiments only hastened Yar Ahmad' s determination to murder the Khwajeh on the spot. He decided however to wait for the Khwajeh to become drunk er? That night the khwajeh was s8 fely escorted home by another Shamlu, Halhal Bahadur, who was in the personal' service of Sam Mirza. The Khwajeh sent 0 ut fouzaffar Tabakchl, the other non-Qizilbash administrative leader in Herat, in an attempt to appease the rioters, but to no -avail.

By now the Khwajeh seems to have realized the seriousness of the situation and he finally agreed to sacrifice his principles end pay off the Shamlu. But by now it was too late, for it is clear that more was at stake than the specific issue of the.. The Khwajeh sent someone to the roof of his home to announoe his capitulation, but the man was hooted down.

The Shamlu then forced their way in, killed the Khwajeh' s two sons and all his relatives and retinue. The Khwajeh himself was seized by Darvish Bek 1 , the leader of the rioters, who how- ever agreed to bring the Khwajeh before the final judgement of Sam Klrza. The Khwajeh was however forcibly taken from his custody and lynched on the spot. Over persons TEZ says 70 are said to have been killed 1.

Although legitimacy was thereby secured for their assumption of control, it is ouite clear that the uymao were actually attempting to supersede the Safavid House as the major force in the Qizilbash system.

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It might appear strange that the. The explanation would appear to lie in the Uzbek preoocupation with their neigh- bors to the east — the Chaghatay I. The Chaghatay of Mughulistan the area of the River valley of Kazakhstan end Kirghizia plus Sinkiang had been pushed out of Tashkand and Faxghaneh by the new Uzbek state; however, Sultan Sa'id Khan, the contemporary Chaghatay ruler at Kashghar, was still hopeful of reconquering these lost areas.

Thus, he was pre- pared to act at the news of the death of Suyunj Khan, the epony- mous, head of the Suyunjid appanage -state centering about Tashkand, 1. A very brief resume of u-bek history is given up to the death of 'Ubayd Khan pp. The fact that all the Uzbek sultans were already in Kavara'al-nahr by the summer of would make their retirement from Karat by the beginning of the preceding spring a distinct possibility — a conclusion also reached from the other totality Unrelated sources.

This would seem to indicate that the "Grande Armee" of the Uzbeks had a] abandoned. The Uzbek Conquest of Balkh 1 The second Uzbek preoccupation during the lull on the Safavid front was with the Balkh area, held in Babur's name by kufcammad zeman Mlrza see above,pp. Their eccounts are identical and extremely terse.

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This statement fits in Sth the i nJorma Averts a? The folio references are cited in the narrative which follows. Thus A.

Ghuri wes to expose Khurasan t-a the dangers of a new eastern frontier with the Uzbeks, and Herat wes soon to suffer from independent Uzbek attacks stemming frxs both Bukhara and Balkh. Before he could leave, however, there was a new ;1.

That is all we hear of this phase of the matter from BABUR, for the gap in the source extends to the end of the year f and the above information is only mentioned in passing. It was then possibly this event. And his conquests were everywhere consoli- dated by the appointment of Uzbek governors and garrisons. Further- more, this was a private affair: there were no representatives from the sultans of the other "neo- eponymous clans" and it is ipnificant that his first appointment to Astarabad was his Ideat son, ' AM a i-'Aziz Sultan.

It has already been seen how the first attempt of the Shah to organize an eastern campaign had been subverted at t at the beginning of the inter-uymaq civil wars: the army raised s used in Tabriz to force Kapak Sultan Ustajlu out of the Joint- repency. To this should be added the fact that the tfzbek internal situation seems to have been remarkably stable at this time and 'Ubeyd Khan had sufficient personal prestige to maintain his de fecto control.

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It is possible to date the beginning of this Second Invasion with some confidence despite the ambiguity of the sources the Hijri years given; , , ; the Turk! BABUR 's statement that there were only ra'yat in the pr lc fortress of Marv at 'Ubayd Khan's arrival would imply that the oasis was mostly deserted at this time; but BABUR concurs in the accounts of the Uzbek abadl development of the oasis and tates that the Khan spent days there repairing the dams Mgrvnln g bandlnl oiro illik kunda baghlab.

It is interesting to note that BABUR, which is generally bitterly anti- Ozbek in its sentiments, does ooncede the fact that the Uzbeks were welcomed here. It has already been stated that the governor of Mashhad, Burun 1. One of the pieces of evidence that has led to the conclusion that the siege lasted for at least four months, is the starvation that now took place among the besieged. BABUR's intelligence reports are however not to be trusted The Court was still at Savuq Bulagh when the news c?

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Thus ended the second abortive Royal Eastern Campaign, i end the Shah himself went west to Sultaniyeh to await developments. As has just been seen, the Shah had been left to his own devices at Sultaniyeh. If the dates given here are to be trusted, have an imoortant indication that the Shah, for the first time, was attempting to act independently in the absence of his regents. As will be seen, the Khurasan forces were Juheh Sultan had Div Sultan murdered and emerged as the single end all-powerful regent of the Shah.

With the assumption of power by a singlg uymaq, the Takkalu, Shah Tahmasb and the Qizilbash system had however to pay the -vri. There is one source that seeks to contradict this, viz. Ihah Tahmasb himself. Nonetheless it does appear true that a new factor was now injected into the inter-uymaq struggles for the hegemony and b The first clash reported between Ozbek and Qizilbash was at 1.

I4 have brief references to these events. Nonetheless, the fact that lvZAL specifically states that Chaghatay Bahadur had set out from ieshhed efter 'Ubayd Khan's departure for Astarabad, and the added feet that the news of the Qlzllbash victory at Isfarain reached he Shah at Sultaniyeh I. This first tfzbek-Qizilbash clash at Isfarain may simply have been en independent large-scale raid by the new tfzbek governor of jjp.

In this account, Zaynal Khan Shamlu, the governor of Astarabad was away participating in the politics 8 t Court at the time of the first tfzbek approach, and in fact it Is expressly stated that 'Ubayd Khan was taking advantage of the governor's absence and was thus able to take the city without any serious opposition. This same rivayat also presents a unique ac- count of Zaynal Khan's death in the Battle of Firuzkuh the follow.

Ing year. It should be added that the case for the JANG rivayat is weakened here by the faot that it has 3lid over most of the developments of this military year of Tunguz, and its apparent independent liiayat may be nothing more than due to a confused compression of the events.

QJLzilbash governors of Khurasan and e ven concerning their uymaq affiliations. The following is a list, : :. According to AFZAL, th3re was however one island of resist- e;i ce, the fortress of Isfarain, which, as has been seen above, jj g j already fought off an tfzbek raid or attack at the beginning 0 f the Astarabad campaign.

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  • It was little more than token support but it did raise the morale of the Khurasan unara sufficient lv to enable them to make a comeback at Astarabad. Although the attempt was ultimately to end in utter disaster, it Is nonetheless an interesting indication that the Khurasan Qizil- bash were ready to rally around the Central authority to counter the tfzbeks. The Court did not offer any direct military aid: it simply issued farmans apparently independently of the co-regents who were then engaged in the Second Ustajlu War to the Khurasan The fact thet 'Ubayd Khan himself rushed back from Mashhad to oppose them would also indicate that a major operation was involved.

    There are no details given for the Qizllbash campaign which was to result in the temporary liberation of Astarabad and the area ud to Sabzivar.